Civil Aviation (Consumer Protection and Regulatory Reform) Bill [HL]
House of Lords · Grand Committee · 18 Jun 2026 · 202 speeches · Official Report
Committee (2nd Day)
Northern Ireland legislative consent sought . Relevant document: 1st Report from the Delegated Powers Committee .
Clause 4: Directions about implementation
Amendment 60
Moved by
60: Clause 4, page 4, line 27, at end insert- “(aa) after subsection (6) insert-“(6A) Where the Secretary of State makes a direction under this section, the Secretary of State must first-(a) consult persons likely to be affected by the direction, including communities in the vicinity of any airport or airspace affected,(b) undertake an environmental impact assessment in respect of the proposed direction, and(c) undertake a noise impact assessment in respect of the proposed direction.”;”Member’s explanatory statement This amendment would require the Secretary of State to consult affected communities and complete environmental and noise impact assessments before making a direction under section 2 of the Air Traffic Management and Unmanned Aircraft Act 2021. It seeks to ensure that the exercise of the direction-making power is subject to scrutiny and community engagement.
My Lords, it is a pleasure to start the second day in Committee on this Bill. I open this group on airspace modernisation, consultation and charging and move Amendment 60 in the name of my noble friend Lady Grender, as she is unfortunately unable to be here today. The amendment is straightforward and seeks simply to insert a new subsection requiring that, before the Secretary of State makes any directions under Clause 4, three things must happen: a consultation with persons and communities likely to be affected; an environmental impact assessment; and a noise impact assessment. On these Benches, we feel that these additions are a basic requirement of legitimate decision-making where the power may have serious local consequences. The Clause 4 directions on airspace redesign are not merely a technical tidying-up exercise and can be used to alter flight concentrations, runway throughput, and the intensity and timing of overflight experienced on the ground. A ministerial direction made under this clause is capable, in substance, of facilitating additional capacity without ever being labelled as such. As was said at Second Reading, the Bill is a blueprint; it is not the final product. It provides a framework that leaves the substance to future regulation. In that sense, as we have described, it is paving legislation. The Committee is entitled to ask what safeguards are built into that paving before being asked to drive on it. The Minister has given us reassurances that the Bill...
My Lords, I am grateful to the noble Earl, Lord Russell, for his comments on my Amendment 61. I will speak to it only briefly, because it is pretty self-explanatory. The legislation rightly gives some power to the Government to intervene and, in effect, act as arbiter when it comes to airspace redesign. Airspace redesign has taken much too long. It started when I was Secretary of State and now, nearly eight years later, we are still not close to bringing it to fruition, yet it is fundamental to the future of the aviation sector in this country. It will unlock extra capacity and use next-generation technology to enable us to provide more respite to communities that are affected by aircraft noise, even though the level of aircraft noise, in the world in which we live, has dropped enormously over the past generation. The Government rightly believe that they need some degree of arbiter powers in this, but I do not think that they should have those powers just to say, “Right, that’s the decision”. There is an obligation there-nothing at great length, because we know that government consultations can last for ever, take months to be responded to and all the rest, but with a simple process saying, “Look, that’s what we’re going to do. Is there anything we haven’t thought of? Is there something we’re not quite getting right here?” I say to the noble Lord, Lord Tunnicliffe, that the wording of the amendment is what it is, but I would expect pilots’ organisations, air traffic...
My Lords, I shall speak to Amendments 60 to 62; I express a specific concern in my Amendment 62. I thought that I knew about the technology in this debate until I decided to brush up on it yesterday; I have spent most of my working hours since then getting up to date, to some extent. The essence of the technology, which would allow a much more holistic review of airspace use, is that it is dependent not on aids on the ground but on global positioning systems. That gives great benefits, in terms of what it does for aviation, but I put it to the Committee that it also gives great benefits to those who are concerned about the environmental impact. If your route does not fit with that bit of society and there is a route that can fit with that bit of society, then, with the overarching technology, it can be changed. Up to this point, changing where aeroplanes go close to the ground has been totally dominated by the ground-based aids that they use to land. The essence of my amendment-as an ex-BALPA shop steward, I thought that I had better represent my old team-is to get pilots involved in this consultation. They are going to face dramatic differences. One of the first things that I would say relates to the point that the noble Lord, Lord Moylan, made the other day, which is that the planes can fly themselves. Normally, you have to drag the plane into the air then tell it to fly itself, and, when you get to the end, you actually have to make a few decisions. It is a very good...
Broadly speaking, if you are flying a jet airliner, you do not see any other aeroplanes because the systems keep you that far apart. These new systems are designed to let aeroplanes fly safely but nevertheless much closer to one another. That is a key area of safety concern. We have to get right the interface between the human beings on board an aeroplane, the aeroplane and the routers, and only pilots can have that input. There will be some differences in the worlds of air traffic controllers and so on but, broadly speaking, their loads will be lightened because the routings of the aeroplanes will have been predetermined in setting up the system.
I am told that BALPA represents 85% of all pilots, so it is a useful shorthand. I am sure that advisers to the Minister will tell him that it is inadvisable to include a specific group, but I am sure we can find some words. Pilots need to be in that consultation. I take the point of the value of a short consultation but, inevitably, because this will be so new, it will affect people on the ground in different ways, so there must also be some capability for ongoing consultation so that responsible bodies with the power to change things have to listen to users, people on the ground and operators.
My Lords, I will speak to my Amendment 63. I thank the noble Earl for the excellent way in which he introduced the group and covered the amendments with such eloquence. This is a very straightforward amendment whose purpose is clear: to have an immutable cryptographic record of such important decisions. I agree entirely with the noble Earl. The blockchain reference is merely illustrative but it also shows the unfortunate speed that I was flying at when I was drafting. I would like to have set out criteria that any technology would need to meet to achieve the objectives in the amendment. That was the approach that we took in the Electronic Trade Documents Act, for example, when we specified no particular technology but set out a series of criteria that any technology would have to meet to be able to perform the task. If we can import that into our considerations of this amendment, that would get us pretty much to where I am at. The point is that blockchain would more than suffice for the task. There is obviously a difference between blockchain and distributed ledger technologies, which we do not need to go into at this stage, but there are technologies that have not even come to fruition, never mind to a level of usability at this stage, which almost certainly will have a part to play in such illustrations as this. It is critical, though I failed in this amendment, to have technology neutrality, because through that technology neutrality you give yourself the best opportunity...
In proposing Amendment 65, I must declare again my interests as set out at Second Reading. I have held a private pilot’s licence for about 40 years now. I am an officer of the All-Party Parliamentary Group on General Aviation, and I am the author of its inquiry into our lower airspace that was conducted a year or two ago. I am honorary vice-president of the British Airline Pilots Association and a former airport director. In a way, I am looking at this subject from rather more than one perspective. At Second Reading, I pressed the Minister on Clause 6, and, in particular, on the change it makes to who must pay for air traffic and air navigation services from “operators or owners of aircraft” to simply “persons”. I asked what lay behind this decision and whether it was prompted by newer developments such as drone delivery, and at that point I referred to the Minister nodding his head. I am afraid that perhaps I was taking too much on in assuming that the nod related to my remarks-I make no aspersions otherwise. I said then that the burden on general aviation ought to remain broadly where it sits today. This amendment would require the Secretary of State and the authority in exercising their functions over these charges to have regard to two matters: the growth and sustainability of general aviation, and the desirability of ensuring that those carrying out general aviation activities do not pay charges disproportionate to the use they make of the services. Many of my...
My Lords, it is a pleasure to follow the noble Lord, Lord Kirkhope. I support the proposal from the noble Lord, Lord Grayling, of a targeted consultation with local communities. It will surely be the case that, as part of the civil aviation Bill, there will be changes to the use of airspace overhead and the potential not only for increased numbers of flights but the redesign of flight paths and expanding airports. It must surely follow, then, that, as part of the planning and preparation for these changes, residents who may experience new aircraft overflights, increased noise and other meaningful impacts, such as increased traffic on roads leading to local airports, should be given a meaningful role in considering these changes. It is already the case that government and CAA policy recognises that airspace changes can have significant impacts on people on the ground and therefore includes consultation and stakeholder engagement requirements, but that sometimes feels a little like a box-ticking exercise. I feel strongly that it must be more than that. Communities that may find themselves under new or intensified flight paths deserve a meaningful voice in these decisions that seriously affect their quality of life. I recognise that the updating of our aviation policies is an essential process from time to time, but surely the best outcomes are achieved through reasonable discussion. A stronger consultation framework may well deliver reforms more smoothly and avoid delay in...
My Lords, I start by repeating my interest, which I declared on Tuesday, as a current pilot, aircraft owner and operator. On Tuesday, we had a good debate around general aviation, when my noble friend Lord Kirkhope and others took pains to explain the benefits not only to the economy, through the contribution that GA makes, but the broader aviation ecosystem, as it were, particularly in pilot training. Anything that is done to reduce opportunities for pilot training in the UK will have an easy to define effect, which will be the export of pilot training to Europe, where some countries have a different regime and much better weather, the United States and elsewhere. We have to regulate and legislate carefully; the law of unintended consequences is very active in this field. Access to airspace is critical to the operation of general aviation. I refer to and support my noble friend Lord Kirkhope’s Amendment 65 in both of the thrusts that it seeks to take forward. First, it would protect the importance of GA when it comes to decisions being made around airspace design. It would be easy for the interests of general aviation to be minimised or not taken fully into account, and once decisions are taken it is very difficult for them to be reversed. Yes, much of the country is open, class G airspace, but there are real pinch points and that situation is likely to become exacerbated, rather than made any easier. One example would be around the area of Farnborough, which is close to...
My Lords, I repeat my declaration of interest that I made on Tuesday as the non-exec chair of RVL Aviation. I will say a word or two about the amendment from the noble Lord, Lord Grayling, and strongly support what he and the noble Baroness, Lady Bray, said. I wanted to ask the Minister to flesh out a bit the answer to the question that I asked at Second Reading. There are already consultation processes, as the noble Baroness, Lady Bray, mentioned. There is no specific one for the exercise of the direction power. I am keen that, if there are extra processes, they fit well together; we do not want one set of consultations at one stage and then, if the Minister decides to do some direction, another set. When the Minister responds and, I suspect, urges the noble Lord, Lord Grayling, not to press his amendment, I would welcome a clear exposition of how the current position works, how it would dovetail with any use of the power of direction that Ministers are taking in Clause 4, how they would expect to use it and how that would fit with the existing consultation mechanism. I am keen that we do not invent another consultation mechanism. If that power of direction is taken and is used-although the Explanatory Notes say that they do not expect the Government to use it very much, as it is a backstop power-it is almost certainly going to be used in difficult or controversial circumstances, because it would not be needed otherwise. That is the position set out in the Explanatory...
My Lords, there are some positive amendments in this group. Amendments 60 and 61 are trying to get to the same place. If there are new arrangements for the management of airspace, that is code for motorways in the sky. But it also means that if there are new routes or a material intensification of a route, it is only right and proper that local people are consulted about it, because it can have a significant material impact on their lives. Where perhaps the noble Lord, Lord Grayling, has the essence of the matter is that he specified a time. We could argue about whether 28 days is right, but the fundamental principle that he is pointing out is that consultations can be endless and open-ended and never reach a decision. Something needs to be put in to tie it down, provided consultees have adequate notice and there is an understanding. It is a bit like neighbourhood notification and planning applications. There are specific groups of people who need to be approached about this: the people over whom these aircraft will be flying, and those affected by other intensification activities, whether traffic or whatever. The amendment of the noble Lord, Lord Grayling, gets to the essence of this. Whether we settle on a specific number of days is another matter, but the principle has to be established. I agree with the principle of the amendment of the noble Lord, Lord Tunnicliffe, but I also accept that it would be inappropriate to specify a particular trade union, because they may...
My Lords, this is an important group of amendments, and this has been a useful debate. It goes to the heart of what the Bill could enable and the safeguards clearly needed to protect communities that will be impacted by any changes to airspace use. As my noble friend Lord Russell outlined, Amendment 60, in the name of my noble friend Lady Grender, would put those guardrails in place. It would require the Secretary of State to consult affected communities, alongside making environmental and noise impact assessments, before being able to make a direction. This is critical. As we know, altering flight paths and redesigning airspace will have a significant impact on a surprisingly large area, as those communities impacted by the existing Heathrow and Gatwick airports, for example, are only too aware. A Secretary of State must understand the impact on people, noise and the environment of any potential decision. It is an important part of the decision-making process. I understand that the Minister has given assurances that the Bill is not intended as a vehicle for airport expansion, but that is not a legal safeguard, as my noble friend Lord Russell outlined. Putting a duty in the Bill would ensure that Parliament and the public can distinguish between a necessary operational change and a change that, in effect, facilitates additional capacity without the transparency that would accompany a normal expansion decision. Without mandatory consultation and that impact assessment, there...
My Lords, I am impressed by the enormous experience of aviation and ministerial responsibility for aviation present in the Committee. I do not claim either, but I will do my best to respond to this group. First, I say that we support the principle of airspace modernisation. If we have a complaint about it, it is that it is taking so long. If it needs legislation, why is that legislation is arriving only now, seven years after it started? The Minister might explain that and what sort of timetable he is expecting to pursue with airspace modernisation. The Bill gives the Minister new powers of direction that are extremely broad, and that is the basis for most of the complaints and concerns-I think concerns rather than complaints-expressed in the Committee so far. They are very broad powers of direction and are almost unconstrained. I think it fair to say that no part of the Committee believes that those powers should be unconstrained. We believe that there should be processes that allow for consultation and accountability. Indeed, one could even argue that it would be more appropriate than giving directions for the Secretary of State to have to have recourse to a statutory instrument. That is not an amendment that has been proposed today, but it would be one way of addressing the Committee’s concerns. I will briefly deal with the amendments. Both Amendment 60, in the name of the noble Baroness, Lady Grender, and Amendment 61, in the name of my noble friend Lord Grayling, seek...
My Lords, I am grateful to noble Lords for their thoughtful contributions on this group of amendments. Although I rarely seem to agree with the noble Lord, Lord Moylan, I do so now in admiring the depth of aviation knowledge in this Committee today. I will respond to the points that have been made and set out how the Bill enables progress on essential airspace reforms while maintaining the appropriate safeguards. I will start with Amendment 60, which was introduced by the noble Earl, Lord Russell, and the comments from the noble Baroness, Lady Pidgeon. It will be convenient for me to address Amendments 61 and 62, in the names of the noble Lords, Lord Grayling and Lord Tunnicliffe, respectively, and to note the comments from the noble Baroness, Lady Bray of Coln. I assure all of them that environmental assessments and consultation are, and will remain, a fundamental part of the airspace change process. Let me be clear at the outset that nothing in these powers removes or weakens the existing requirements for thorough consultation and robust assessment of environmental and noise impacts. The Bill will extend the Secretary of State’s existing powers under the Air Traffic Management and Unmanned Aircraft Act 2021. It allows her, if needed, to require the implementation of an approved airspace change. For the avoidance of doubt, that means an airspace change proposal that has already been properly developed, consulted on and approved. The powers introduced by the Bill do not...
In answer to the point from the noble Lord, Lord Moylan, about the timescale for the UK Airspace Design Service, the set-up is now complete and beginning to bring on board the existing airspace change proposals for London. One of its first priorities is to develop a realistic delivery plan for modernising London’s airspace, and those changes are expected to be delivered in the 2030s. Given their scale and complexity, they may be delivered in stages, and some elements of airspace modernisation for the rest of the United Kingdom are expected to be delivered earlier.
The powers of direction introduced by the Bill therefore come into play only after all these steps have been completed. I welcome the support from the noble Lord, Lord Grayling, for the aim to ensure that the benefits of a properly approved and strategically important airspace change cannot be held up by a single reluctant party. These amendments, while well intentioned, would duplicate existing requirements, introducing unnecessary delay and costs. They would undermine the delivery of approved airspace changes, which themselves deliver major benefits relating to delays, emission and noise. I note the comments from the noble Lord, Lord Empey, on this issue.
May I just ask a specific question? If we countenance the situation where, for example, a plan coming from Heathrow to amend the routes into that airport clash with the routes into Farnborough and it has been through extensive process and, effectively, there is a logjam where one says one thing and the other says another, my understanding is that the Government, using their direction power, can say, “Right, we vote for Farnborough, not Heathrow”, or vice versa. In that situation, where the Government say they are voting for Farnborough, is there still a duty to consult on that decision before it is implemented?
I will take some advice and respond further. But I note in response to the comments from the noble Lord, Lord Grayling, that both proposals will have been consulted on and agreed, so it is not the case that consultation would not have applied to either of them. I will write to him with the precise answer to his very reasonable question and copy it to other noble Lords. Amendment 63 is from the noble Lord, Lord Holmes of Richmond, and he is right that information about airspace changes should be secure and transparent. I take the noble Lord’s point about the choice of technology. The Civil Aviation Authority’s CAP1616 airspace change process is designed to ensure transparency throughout. There is already a legal requirement for directions related to airspace change to be published, as well as any steps the CAA takes to enforce them. In addition, both the sponsor of an airspace change and the CAA are required to publish relevant documentation throughout the process, which is held on the CAA’s airspace change portal-a secure platform which acts as a single source of truth. When an approved design is implemented, it is published in the UK Aeronautical Information Publication, as required by international law. This is not an area where there is a lack of trust or accountability requiring a more complex or novel audit mechanism. The CAA operates within a well-established statutory framework with clear oversight and requirements for publication and traceability. Introducing a...
The Minister says that the Bill does not say that you can be charged if you cannot use the service, but that is precisely what it says. It says that “it is immaterial whether or not the services are actually used or could be used by, or actually benefit or could benefit, them”. I do not think it is logically coherent, because they have to be available to them to qualify on the first limb of the clause. It may well be that the noble Lord has the intention he expressed at the Dispatch Box. However, I ask him whether he considers this clause to be drafted to articulate that intention. As it stands, it seems internally self-contradictory. But if it is not internally self-contradictory and he can prove that it is not, I would still object to people being charged for services that they could not use or benefit from.
In those circumstances, I will take away the noble Lord’s very detailed point and attempt to either explain why it does what I said, or alter it so that it does what I said. Finally, I will address Amendment 65 from the noble Lord, Lord Kirkhope of Harrogate. I also listened carefully to the noble Viscount, Lord Goschen, on this subject. As experienced pilots themselves, they know better than most that general aviation is an important part of the UK’s aviation industry, covering a wide range of public service, commercial and recreational activities. Clause 6 seeks to provide the Civil Aviation Authority with greater flexibility as to who can be charged for air traffic services provided under a licence. This will ensure that, as the UK’s airspace evolves, the cost of providing those services can continue to be recovered fairly and proportionately, in line with the user pays principle. I note the replication of the IATA view on this from the noble Lord, Lord Harper, and I will take that away. As noble Lords will be aware, these costs are currently recovered primarily from commercial airlines as they are the main users of the relevant services. General aviation is largely exempt. The noble Lord is right that we do have in mind drone operations on operators and other unmanned aircraft. Ahead of any changes in future, the CAA has a statutory duty to consult on its proposals. Those whose interests are materially affected by its decision could appeal if they considered they had...
My Lords, this has been a really interesting and informative group. I know that we have spent a bit of time of it, but it has been time well spent in understanding the Bill. Four key points have come up. There is the whole issue of the need for modernisation, and the fact that it can provide environmental as well as safety benefits, but also the sheer complexity of doing that. Obviously, the powers given to the Minister under Clause 4 and the need for guardrails have come up as well and, as the noble Lord, Lord Moylan, said, there is consensus in Committee on the concern around those issues. There is the need for consultation, where I thought the noble Baroness, Lady Bray, put it really well; that needs to be meaningful. Finally, there is the issue of general inclusion and the Bill’s impacts on general aviation. I am forever thankful to the Minister for his care and attention to these matters. We welcome his response on Amendments 60, 61 and 62. It is fair to say that we will reflect on his exact words and have a look at Hansard . These matters are complex and I welcome the words he has given. I am not certain, as I speak here, whether they will be enough or whether we will need to look at drafting a joint amendment on those matters. In any case, I am sure that we can have further conversations prior to Report on those issues. I also note the Minister’s comments in relation to Amendment 63 and welcome the response from the noble Lord, Lord Holmes, about having the purpose...
Amendment 60 withdrawn.
Clause 4 agreed.
Amendments 61 to 63 not moved.
Clause 5 agreed.
Schedule 2 agreed.
Clause 6: Charges for air traffic and air navigation services
Amendments 64 and 65 not moved.
Clause 6 agreed.
Amendment 65A not moved.
Amendment 65B
Moved by
65B: After Clause 6, insert the following new Clause- “Air ambulance operations: regulations(1) The Secretary of State may by regulations make provision for the purpose of supporting the operation of air ambulance services in civil aviation.(2) Regulations under this section may, in particular, make provision about-(a) access to airport and aerodrome facilities;(b) access to airspace and air navigation services;(c) the treatment of air ambulance operations in aviation planning and operational decisions.(3) Before making regulations under this section, the Secretary of State must consult the CAA, air ambulance operators, airport operators and such other persons as the Secretary of State considers appropriate.(4) Regulations under this section are to be made by statutory instrument.(5) A statutory instrument containing regulations under this section may not be made unless a draft of the instrument has been laid before, and approved by a resolution of, each House of Parliament.”Member’s explanatory statement This amendment would allow the Secretary of State to make regulations supporting the operation of air ambulance services in civil aviation.
My Lords, I am grateful for the opportunity to speak to these amendments today. Before speaking to the individual amendments, I would like to reflect on how great it has been to hear so many comments about general aviation, which tends to get left out on occasions. All my amendments in this group apply primarily to general aviation. Amendment 65B is designed to give encouragement and support to the air ambulance team, which does an enormous amount of good work not only in places such as Cornwall and the Isles of Scilly but all over the country-and not just over the sea.
A group of air ambulance operators have expressed considerable concern about the rules governing where they can land with their patients, how they arrange it and who gets priority. The feeling is that it is a bit of a mess. Given that so many of the passengers are probably heading for a trauma location, it is a matter of considerable concern to these operators and, of course, to the National Health Service, MHCLG and everyone else. The amendment would place a duty on the Government and the CAA to ensure consistent national application of relevant aviation and regulatory safeguards to support the safe and consistent provision of air ambulance operations near these major trauma centres or specialist hospitals.
This is the unanimous view of the industry. It is particularly keen for co-ordination with the CAA to reduce local variations and improve system-wide consistency. I hope that, when he responds to this amendment, my noble friend will accept that there is a need to co-ordinate all the different organisations involved, because whatever arrangements are made, they need to be made quickly. That is the whole basis of getting to hospital quickly, and it is apparently not working at the moment.
In this context, it is mostly helicopters that provide this service, in my experience. They need training too. It is not quite the same, I believe, as what you might call fixed-wing training, but it is still training. I was therefore a bit concerned by my noble friend’s response on Tuesday, when he said that, when it comes to instrument landings in poor weather, there are
“detailed requirements for training in international and UK safety regulations. Requiring training would not be appropriate for all airfields. Smaller airfields may not be able to accommodate this, and it may also be unsuitable for larger ”-[ Official Report , 16/6/26; col. GC 114.]
airfields. You can interpret that as meaning that there will not be any training in future. I am sure that is not what he meant, but I hope he will clarify that. Training is needed in all kinds of situations, not just for pilots, who are of course very important, but for controllers and everyone else involved in safe operation. Training needs to play an important part in this.
I turn to Amendment 65C. This is a slightly different subject because it relates to navigation in poor visibility. I suffer that all the time when I go to the Isles of Scilly. When you get delayed for three days because it is foggy, you begin to think, “Isn’t there a better solution?” Over the years, I have been chasing one.
We were nearly there when Brexit happened. The Government were almost set up to install EGNOS, allowing the connection with the satellites, and to encourage operators of small planes to install the comparatively cheap equipment in their craft. I remember calling the European Commission at the time and asking what it would take if we continued with EGNOS as a separate cost outside the European Union-Jersey has EGNOS and it works very well. The answer I got then, which was probably eight years ago, was that it would cost about £32 million a year to cover the whole country. Of course, when the whole country is covered, it covers all airports-not that you would use it at Heathrow or Gatwick, probably, but it would still be there. It is essential when you are unable to have ground connections, in places such as the Scottish islands or Scilly. In those places there is nowhere to put the ground connection because it would be in the sea, and I do not think it would work very well. My amendment is designed to put pressure on the Government. Will they reopen negotiations on EGNOS?
I do not think there is an alternative that is immediately available. Ministers over the years have told me that an alternative is available, but, when I ask when it will work and how much it will cost, they say that it is still being developed. I will probably get the same answer today. EGNOS may not be the answer to a maiden’s prayer for the next 20 years, but it is very good for the next 10 years. I hope my noble friend will say that he will reopen negotiations to rejoin EGNOS and put it across the country in a way in which small aircraft, small airports, helicopters-through a development called PinS-and everyone else has the ability to use it at a reasonable cost.
If my noble friend has doubts about how this could be done, perhaps he would be pleased to have a meeting with me, and anybody else who is interested, to see whether we can push this forward. It has been 10 years since it was cancelled, and it is about time we had proper navigation for operating safely in fog in areas where it is not possible to have the systems that big aeroplanes have.
I note a Written Answer in the House of Commons on 15 June, which says:
“The department will undertake a comprehensive review of the transport case and practicalities for rejoining … (EGNOS). This work will be carried out in 2026 with the aim that a decision can be taken by the end of the year on whether to seek to rejoin”.
Does my noble friend think that is a reasonable programme and will the department make a decision by the end of this year?
Finally in this group I have Amendment 102A. I am not part of this team, but I have been told that an airfield advisory team established some time ago with experts from all parts of the industry suddenly appears to have been cancelled or closed. I hope that my noble friend will say that, as part of the comprehensive consultation that we will have to have in the next few months, this airfield advisory team, with all the experts in the industry, will be re-established. I beg to move.
My Lords, I support Amendment 102A, also supported by the noble Lord, Lord Davies of Gower, who is unfortunately not able to be with us today. He was here for day one in Committee, and he wanted me to place on record his support for this amendment. As the noble Lord, Lord Berkeley, has set out, the airfield advisory team is something that existed and has recently been disbanded. It would be helpful for the Minister to confirm that that is indeed the case, give the reasons for disbanding it, and say whether, in the light of the amendment, he would reconsider that decision. My understanding is that it was a useful forum for the CAA and the Department for Transport to engage with airfield operators to discuss relevant issues, and for them to communicate with those operators, but, perhaps more importantly, for airfield operators to feed back their concerns and ask questions of the regulator and the department. Unless there was a very good reason for getting rid of it, having those forums for users of the services provided seems a very good thing. My understanding is that the airfield operators would very much welcome that advisory team being re-established. I would be pleased to hear what the Minister has to say.
My Lords, I support the noble Lord, Lord Berkeley, in this group of amendments. We are fortunate to have air ambulance services operating in the United Kingdom. It is important to stress that these are typically not government-provided services; they are supported by charitable organisations and others. When one needs the service, one needs it very much indeed-that is probably the best way of putting it. The speed of response, particularly in rural Devon where I live-the air ambulance is based in a field that I am very familiar with-means that it is a tremendous service. It is able to get around the county swiftly and provide much needed services for people who have been involved in serious road or agricultural accidents, have been carried out to sea, or whatever. I was concerned to hear, as the noble Lord stated, that the industry had concerns about the rules and regulations and procedures under which they operate, and felt they could be enhanced. From my own anecdotal experience of hearing from the air ambulance service, I know it is always given priority, formally and informally, by other users and by ATCs. I am concerned and surprised that there are such problems, and I look forward to the Minister responding. On whether those requirements should be written into the Bill, I am not going to fall into the trap, much criticised earlier in our proceedings, of doing the Minister’s job for him. We will let him do some heavy lifting on that. Similarly, on Amendment 102A, I am...
My Lords, the amendments from the noble Lord, Lord Berkeley, are worthy of support and raise some important points. I am grateful to him for bringing these important matters before the Committee and for his persistence on these issues.
I begin with Amendment 65B. I am a member of the APPG for Air Ambulances. They provide an absolute lifeline. Every single day, crews attend road traffic collisions, cardiac arrests, serious falls and medical emergencies in some of our most remote and inaccessible communities, and across the country as a whole. They reach patients and bring specialist pre-hospital care to the roadside with great speed. They are quite literally the difference between life and death, yet these services operate in a regulatory environment that has not kept pace with the demands placed upon them. The airspace modernisation agenda, which the Bill advances, is welcome in many respects, but modernisation brings disruption. That disruption must not come at the cost of the operational resilience of our air ambulances. If new flight paths, procedures or airspace designations create barriers to the rapid deployment of these critical services-they are all charities, as we have heard-patients will pay the price. I hope the Minister will give this matter the serious attention that it deserves.
Amendment 65C on satellite navigation is closely related. Air ambulance crews, along with the wider general aviation community, depend on precise, reliable navigation. EGNOS, the European satellite-based augmentation system, which we have debated many times in the past, provided that reliability. We lost it after Brexit, and the timeline for its replacement is unclear. A requirement for a report from the Secretary of State on access to EGNOS or an equivalent service is a modest ask, and I hope the Minister will be sympathetic. We need to understand where we are and when parity will be restored. I hope the Minister will consider these amendments and I look forward to his response.
My Lords, the noble Lord, Lord Berkeley, has brought before the Committee some interesting and valuable amendments. I look forward to hearing what the Minister has to say about them. On EGNOS, I never quite understand why everyone wants to crawl back to Europe. The problem with that is that, every time you ask the Europeans for something, they want to exact a very large price, simply because they are still very cross with us for voting to restore our representative democracy in this country and for taking advantage of Brexit. It is worth asking the Minister if he has discussed whether this service might be available, with a bit of expenditure, from Mr Elon Musk. As I understand it, Elon Musk is now in command of around two-thirds of the satellites going around the earth. I am sure that a man of such ingenuity and enterprise could easily develop a navigation system that depended on these satellites. Would that not be a sensible alternative? It might keep the Europeans on their toes, should we want to use their system, if they thought of taking advantage of us. Otherwise, I look forward to hearing what the Minister has to say. There is a bigger world out there-it is not just Europe-and we should all take advantage of it.
My Lords, this grouping covers resilience, infrastructure and connectivity. I begin by addressing my noble friend Lord Berkeley’s Amendment 65B. I listened carefully to the noble Viscount, Lord Goschen, and the noble Baroness, Lady Pidgeon, on this subject. The Government support the life-saving work of air ambulances and the department, alongside the Civil Aviation Authority, regularly engages with air ambulance charities to understand their unique needs. Air ambulances already operate under a special regime from the Civil Aviation Authority that allows them privileged access to airspace and ensures that they can land wherever they need to in order to carry out their life-saving work. If my noble friend or the operators have any concerns about how this is working, the Minister for Aviation in the other place would be more than happy to hear them and deal with them. I hope that reassures my noble friend that his amendment is not needed. On my noble friend’s Amendment 65B, the Government recognise the importance of satellite navigation services to support operations in all weather conditions. As my noble friend notes from his observation of the Answer to a Written Question in the other place, the Government are actively reviewing the viability of these services, including our access to the European geostationary navigation overlay service, or EGNOS, and the output from that is expected later this year, as he said. I will not pre-empt that review by accepting this amendment. I...
My Lords, I am grateful to all noble Lords who have taken part in this short debate. I am very grateful to my noble friend the Minister for his answers, which I shall read carefully. I still think that it would be useful if we could have a quick meeting with him before the next stage, particularly to be told a bit more about what is happening on EGNOS and whether Mr Musk’s alternative is a sensible one. In the meantime, I beg leave to withdraw the amendment.
Amendment 65B withdrawn.
Amendment 65C not moved.
Clause 7: Allocation of slots and co-ordination and facilitation of schedules
Amendment 66
Moved by
66: Clause 7, page 7, leave out lines 18 to 27 and insert- “(a) allocating additional capacity created at an existing airport or a new airport where the affected air carriers have failed to reach a voluntary commercial agreement within a reasonable timeframe;(b) as to the circumstances in which, the terms on which and the procedure by which, slots may be transferred, exchanged or withdrawn where there is no agreement between the commercial parties about the slots;(c) determining the temporary reallocation or suspension of unused slots during a period of international crisis;”Member’s explanatory statement This amendment strictly limits the Secretary of State’s power to intervene in airport slot allocation to distinct scenarios: managing unused slots during international crises, handling entirely new airports, or distributing newly created capacity where commercial airlines fail to reach an agreement, thereby preventing broader state intervention in functioning commercial slot markets.
My Lords, we now move on to the slots regime. My two amendments in this group, Amendments 66 and 68, are designed to press the Government to understand what they are trying to achieve and where the limits to that are. I had always expected that, when we left the European Union, we would be able to have a less regulated slots regime, particularly once we and the European Union had taken the view that we would not stay part of the EASA. Fundamentally, we are talking about a private sector market, with privately owned airports or airports owned by third-party bodies-such as the local authorities in Manchester-and independent airlines. So the question is this: what do the Government actually need to do? What is the role of the Government in this space? Should the Government be determining how many airlines fly to an airport, how many slots are available to it and the circumstances in which slots can transfer between one organisation and another? It seems to me that there are three things that the Government should be doing. I see the role of the Government in this as referee rather than regulator. I am concerned that the content of the clauses that relate to the slots regime give the Government extraordinarily sweeping powers. If I have a slight regret, it is that I did not provide for the removal of new subsection (4), which says: “The regulations may make different provision for different purposes”. What on earth does that mean? The Government are taking on to their own...
My Lords, I instinctively agree with a lot of what the noble Lord, Lord Grayling, has said but there are situations in extremis that could arise regarding access to hub airports, which is a critical-not only socially but economically-necessity. It has nothing to do with subsidy. There are some modest PSOs in operation. We had them when we were in the European Union. Cornwall was involved at one stage and had a subsidised air route. But that is not what I am getting at here. It is nothing to do with subsidy because all the main regional airports going to hub airports, primarily Heathrow, are perfectly economically viable. It is not a question of subsidy.
Slots are very complicated; I am under no illusions about that. They are big money, particularly at certain times of the day, and some airlines own very large chunks of them. Because airlines are commercial businesses and have shareholders, shares can be bought and sold. A company that has access to a lot of slots, primarily at Heathrow, could be bought by an international company in the Middle East or the Far East, for instance, that says, “We’re interested, to a point, in flying to Inverness, Glasgow, Edinburgh, Belfast or Manchester, but, on balance, we’ll keep some of those going and use some of the rest of them to service international routes, which we believe would be more profitable to us”.
In some circumstances, it is difficult and time consuming to get from regional airports to hub airports. It can take hours by train. In the case of my own city, the only alternative is a ferry followed by a train journey. If you are trying to attract business or tourism, businesspeople are not going to be bothered with that. They are not prepared to take the time; it just makes you completely uncompetitive. Belfast might be an extreme example but, for Scottish airports and others, distance is an issue.
The noble Lord, Lord Grayling, is correct to say that it makes sense to have feeder flights, but I am trying to envision a set of circumstances, which I hope will never arise, in which an operator, while continuing to operate a route, decides that, instead of doing six, seven or eight rotations a day to a particular airport, they will cut it to, say, four. The other issue is time. In some cases, the value of these slots is related to the time that they are applicable. If you are trying to have a day’s business in London, for instance, you need what we would call a red-eye flight. If you have a lunchtime flight, it is a waste of a day.
I raised this in the House many years ago, in two Private Members’ Bills, both of which passed, I have to say, but suffered under the watchful gaze of a certain Member in the other place who had a penchant for dealing with Private Members’ Bills in a very cruel fashion. Some of the powers that the noble Lord, Lord Grayling, mentioned, seem huge, but I would like the Minister to confirm that, if such a circumstance arose where an operator that had access to key slots at a hub airport chose to replace those routes with alternative-say, international-routes, regional airports would not be disadvantaged to the point that there would be significant economic or social damage. In those circumstances, could the Secretary of State intervene?
Then there is the whole question of the terms on which a Secretary of State would intervene. These slots are very valuable and they are on the balance sheet of airlines, so this is not an easy thing to discuss. As the noble Baroness, Lady Foster, often points out, we are in an international context. When the Private Member’s Bill was brought forward, the noble Lord, Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon, was the Minister. He argued that this was, in effect, a European competence, and he was able to dodge the column on that.
The principle, however, is very simple. I am arguing that slots are worth money, but they also have a national implication for the connectivity and economic and social well-being of the entire United Kingdom. If hub airports are in the United Kingdom, it is not unreasonable that the Government, through the Secretary of State, should have the ability to ensure that the regions are not cut out of access or disadvantaged in any way by the absence of slots or the reuse of slots for alternative uses.
I understand the complications, but the fundamental principle is fairly straightforward. The Minister may be in a position to tell me that the Secretary of State has the powers that he needs. If that is not the case, I will certainly wish to come back to this on Report because it is a fundamental issue and I think it is easily solved. I do not anticipate any need for any interventions at the moment or in the foreseeable future. The rotations are pretty good and they are obviously there because the airlines feel that they are making a profit. We are not talking about subsidies here. It is access, not subsidy, that is the issue.
My Lords, I will primarily speak to my Amendment 73, which was suggested by IATA. I tabled it because I read it and thought it raised some important issues on which I want to test the Government’s thinking. When I was Secretary of State, this process worked very smoothly and, as my noble friend Lord Grayling said, this is largely a commercial exercise. Slots have economic value. They are allocated independent of government and that usually works very well. There are circumstances, as the Minister set out at Second Reading, where there are challenges to how the system works because of outside circumstances. The Government then step in and make some changes which work in the interests of consumers and the industry. It is also the case that the slot co-ordinator, Airport Coordination Limited, a private company, exercises a considerable amount of power and influence. At airports with a constrained supply of slots, that gives it significant economic power. At the moment, it does not have any regulatory oversight. It is effectively exercising what could be argued to be a quasi-regulatory function, but there is no formal oversight. The amendment I have tabled is quite narrow but would bring the co-ordinator under the oversight of the CAA, which would give it the ability to scrutinise decisions and its governance. It would, importantly, preserve the independence of the UK slot co-ordinator, which is important and required by our international agreements. It would also introduce a...
My Lords, I am delighted to follow my noble friend Lord Harper. I intend to speak to Amendments 74 and 75 in my name. It would be only slightly reductive to say it is all about the slots. In many ways, this part of the Bill is the very heart of the industry. To that end, it would seem to make sense, under Amendment 74, to have greater clarity and transparency for all those who should be involved, should be concerned and should have a role in this. They would have that clarity through such a system as set out in Amendment 74. Again, I accept the specificities around blockchain and DLT and would insert mid speech a criteria-based approach so that other technologies which could achieve this aim are equally beneficial to the purpose of the amendment. Amendment 75 moves that on somewhat to test how much the Government would wish not to overly interfere with slot allocation but, where all things remained equal, they would want other provisions to be brought in. In Amendment 75, I cite the example of environmental concerns, but the principle would work equally well for regional connectivity being higher up the agenda or other issues the Government may wish to push through. As has been rightly set out by my noble friend Lord Grayling, this is largely a commercial matter and there is a market but, like all good markets, that does not mean there is no role for government in it. It is clear that the Government need to get the right level for that role and not overstep, but it is...
My Lords, I should like to make a couple of observations on the amendments tabled by colleagues. First, it is clear that slots are a very complex and sophisticated trading system, the value of which, as my noble friend Lord Empey mentioned, will certainly be like the value of a company. I go back to the comment about European Union regulation. I was involved in the initial European Union regulation more than 20 years ago, and the revision about 10 years later. I can say with great certainty that even the European Commission did not have any involvement in the designation of slot use. That was completely a no-no, and that was absolutely right. This brings me then to the possible role of the Secretary of State. Slot allocation is a neutral, independent activity, handled by the slot co-ordinator without due influence of government, airlines and airports, and long may that remain-if it ain’t broke, we do not need to fix it. My view is that Secretary of State should not be at liberty to decide on slot allocation outcomes, whether temporary, during periods of crisis, or during normal times. There is no evidence that our slot co-ordinators, certainly in the United Kingdom, have ever been unduly influenced and made the wrong decisions, so I think we should continue to have that confidence in their role. It is recognised both Europe-wide and more internationally, because Heathrow as a hub is an extremely important airport. I would like to touch on a comment from the noble Lord, Lord...
As I have said, the environment is mentioned as part of that. The details come from what is called ECAC.CEAC Doc 29 -some of your Lordships will know what I mean. We already comply with all the details that come from those regulations and documents. It is not as though there are no references and that we are not compliant with environmental issues and pressures at this time. We also have to recognise that, fortunately, because of our excellent scientists and engineers, we know that the minimum engine type operating at these airports is a chapter 4 engine. Again, our airports have to be compliant with the rules laid down by ICAO. We are obviously obliged to comply with international rules and regulations from those bodies, and we certainly do in the United Kingdom.
My Lords, this is a substantial group and I am grateful to noble Lords who have tabled amendments covering how slot allocation powers should be structured, constrained and scrutinised. It is a clear theme in many of the amendments before us. I thought the referee versus regulator point from the noble Lord, Lord Grayling, was powerful in summing up a lot of this. Before I turn to the amendments, I will remind the Committee of a thread that ran through Second Reading: the question of airport expansion and, in particular, whether the slots regime and the significant new powers that the Secretary of State is taking in relation to it could be used to facilitate or, in effect, predetermine expansion decisions. As your Lordships have heard, slots are capacity. Control over slot allocation is, in important respects, control over how airports can grow and who benefits from that growth. The Government may say that the expansion question is separate, but the mechanisms are not neatly separate, and I suspect that those questions will return on Report. The regional connectivity concern raised in this group is one that many noble Lords feel strongly about. Hub airport access for regional routes is not just for commercial convenience. It is a question of whether communities and economies across the United Kingdom are connected nationally and then internationally. Finally, on parliamentary procedure, the House has consistently held that significant regulatory powers should be subject to...
My Lords, I will briefly introduce my own amendments and then comment on others. I have Amendments 70, 71 and 72. Amendment 72 is consequential on Amendment 71 so, in effect, I have two amendments, and the first is to do with consultation. I can see no requirement in the Bill for the Government to undertake any consultation prior to exercising the powers they seek under this legislation. We recently debated the Airports Slot Allocation (Alleviation of Usage Requirements) Regulations 2026, and the industry told us that the consultation on those was extremely short. That was partly to do with getting the regulations done before the powers gap closes or opens, but the consultation was extremely short. The result of it, according to the Government’s own statement, was that the airlines supported what the Government were doing but the airports were adamantly opposed. They were opposed principally because, as my noble friend Lady Foster said, the slots allocator already has the powers to respond in emergencies; there is no need for this action to take place. I come back to the point about consultation. That was a good example of consultation done badly and not listened to. Here, we have no consultation promised at all. My amendment would require it. My second amendment concerns the fact that statutory instruments will be used here. The significant ones will be done by the affirmative process, but there is an exemption for those that have temporary effect, which will be done by the...
My Lords, as we have heard, this group concerns the airport slots regime. I am grateful to noble Lords for their amendments. I will address each one in turn but first note two common points that apply across this group. The UK slots regime depends on independent, fair, transparent and non-discriminatory allocation by the slot co-ordinator. It also operates within international frameworks, such as the Worldwide Airport Slot Guidelines , the global standard for managing airport capacity at congested level 3 and capacity-constrained level 2 airports. The regime already recognises commercial expectations that require clarity, consistency and timely decision-making. Where I refer to independence, proportionality, flexibility or international alignment, these are the common justifications I have in mind. I also say to the noble Baroness, Lady Pidgeon, that the processes in this Bill do not in themselves allow airport expansion; they are about the efficient allocation of capacity created by expansion, which is a different issue. I begin with Amendment 66, tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Grayling. I understand the concern that the Government should not interfere in a liberalised and well-functioning sector, and our policy intent is not to interfere in this. These provisions, however, largely replicate provisions previously available through EU legislation. All the Government are doing is replicating the powers we think we appropriately need to continue. I refer the noble Lord to...
Can the Minister illustrate to me the kind of circumstance in which a criminal sanction is required?
I will respond to the noble Lord after today. Clause 7 already reduces the severity of sanctions by removing the possibility of imprisonment for breaches of slots regulations. Any exercise of the power to amend enforcement provisions would be subject to the affirmative procedure, ensuring scrutiny and debate in both Houses. For those reasons, I ask the noble Lord not to press his amendment. I turn to Amendment 70, tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Moylan, which would place a statutory duty on the Secretary of State to consult airlines, airport operators and others before making any slots regulations under Clause 7. The Government recognise the importance of proper engagement and, where new policy is developed under this power, will carry out appropriate consultation, including with industry and, where relevant, communities. However, an inflexible statutory consultation duty would not be appropriate. The power may need to be used urgently in response to significant disruption, as was necessary during the pandemic. In those circumstances, government must be able to act swiftly and proportionately. I therefore ask the noble Lord not to press Amendment 70. I will take Amendments 71 and 72, also tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Moylan, together. They would require all regulations relating to slots to be subject to the affirmative procedure. I recognise the desire for parliamentary scrutiny, but the Bill already draws a proportionate distinction. The negative procedure is available...
The point that the Minister makes about emergencies and so forth is not reflected in the text of the Bill, which says on page eight: “Regulations are excluded regulations if the Secretary of State considers that their only substantive effect is temporarily to disapply or modify a requirement as to regularity of use of slots”. That would cover the airport slots regulations that we debated last week. Those would move from being affirmative procedure SIs to negative procedure SIs. The additional stipulations that the Minister mentioned are not reflected in the clause that defines an excluded regulation.
I thank the noble Lord for that observation. I will of course take it away and consider what he has said. Amendment 73, tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Harper, would place the slot co-ordinator under the oversight of the Civil Aviation Authority. I understand the intention to strengthen oversight, but the amendment would cut across a fundamental principle of the slots regime: that the co-ordinator must remain functionally and financially independent of all interested parties, including government. The noble Lord asked whether we are content with the current system, and we are. That principle is reflected in the Worldwide Airport Slot Guidelines , which align these matters across all level 2 and level 3 airports across the globe and are essential to ensuring that scarce airport capacity is allocated fairly, neutrally and without bias towards any airline, airport or Government. They protect new entrants and maintain confidence in the global system. Creating a statutory CAA oversight role would risk putting the UK at odds with established international practice and creating legal and operational uncertainty. I therefore ask the noble Lord not to press Amendment 73.
I next address Amendment 74, tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Holmes of Richmond, which seeks a secure record-keeping system for slot transactions. As I said in relation to Amendment 73, slot allocation is undertaken by an independent co-ordinator; for UK airports, that is Airport Coordination Ltd. Airlines already notify ACL of transfers and trades. ACL acts as the central system of record, reviewing transactions against airport capacity and operational constraints, documenting exchanges, including monetary and non-monetary swaps, and publishing them online. While I welcome the noble Lord’s interest in innovation, technologies such as distributed ledgers are designed to remove the need for a trusted central party. Here, that central party already exists and is legally bound to operate neutrally and without discrimination. Amendment 74 is therefore unnecessary, and I ask the noble Lord not to press it.
Finally, I turn to the amendment from the noble Lord, Lord Holmes of Richmond, on attaching environmental conditions to the holding and use of airport slots. The Government fully recognise the importance of reducing aviation emissions and supporting the sector’s transition to net zero. However, I agree with the noble Baroness, Lady Foster of Oxton, that the slots regime is not the right mechanism for imposing emissions-related conditions on individual carriers. The Government are addressing aviation emissions through the appropriate policy levers, including the UK Emissions Trading Scheme, CORSIA and the sustainable aviation fuel mandate. The international slots regime is built on clear and predictable rules, including historic rights where slots are used sufficiently. Requiring carriers to retain slots by reference to separate emissions metrics would cut across that framework and create uncertainty for airlines and airports. I will return to wider environmental issues in the relevant group. For now, I ask the noble Lord not to press his amendment.
In the Minister’s response to my Amendment 67, he responded to a point that I had not made. I had not asked for domestic slots to replace international slots. Mine is a probing amendment, but it is a very simple proposition: in extremis, does the Secretary of State have the power to ensure regional connectivity, or does he not? It is not a complicated issue in essence, even though the operational issues are. He anticipated something that I had not actually proposed, and I assure him that on this issue, while I shall not move my amendment today, I do not intend to go away. Perhaps his team could engage with me before Report.
If I may, I shall respond to the noble Lord by saying that, if I have not understood his point clearly, I shall indeed go away and have a further discussion with him.
My Lords, we have had an interesting debate. Again, some important issues were raised. The noble Lord, Lord Empey, makes an important point. In fact, when reflecting on my own amendment at the start, I thought that what he was saying might be an element missing from mine. I have a lot of sympathy with what he has said. I want to be frank with the Minister. He knows that I have the highest regard for him; he knows that I regard him as knowing more about much of the transport system than anyone I know, so I do not direct this comment at him, but at the Government. I am really quite unimpressed by the Government’s inability to explain what are relatively simple things, or should be relatively simple, if they had thought this through properly, in the measures that they are taking in this Bill and those in the debate that we had last week over the slot regime. If the Government want to take powers or continue powers to enforce criminal sanctions, they should at least be able to say what kind of issues those criminal sanctions are designed to address, because I do not think that this is simply a replication of existing EU law-and were it so, I would be asking what we can we do less of, rather than more of, outside the European Union. However, if the Government’s intention is purely to replicate what is there already, they do not need new Section 34A(4), which says: “The regulations may make different provision for different purposes”. What does that mean? What it does is create a...
Amendment 66 withdrawn.
Amendments 67 and 68 not moved.
Amendment 69
Moved by
69: Clause 7, page 8, line 16, at end insert- “(4A) The Secretary of State may not make regulations under this section that would have the effect of facilitating airport expansion unless the Secretary of State has first-(a) consulted persons likely to be affected by the proposed expansion, including communities in the vicinity of the airport,(b) undertaken an environmental impact assessment of the proposed expansion, and(c) undertaken a noise impact assessment of the proposed expansion.”Member’s explanatory statement This amendment would prevent the Secretary of State from making regulations that facilitate airport expansion unless they have first consulted affected communities, completed an environmental impact assessment, and completed a noise impact assessment. It ensures that proper scrutiny and community engagement take place before any expansion can be progressed through secondary legislation.
My Lords, in moving this amendment, I shall also speak to Amendment 105 in the name of my noble friend Lady Grender, to which I have added my name. Amendments 69 and 105 address what is, for me, the key issue with the Bill: whether the powers could be used to facilitate airport expansion and, if so, on what terms. Amendment 69 would require the Secretary of State to consult affected communities, complete an environmental impact assessment and complete a noise impact assessment before making any regulations that facilitate expansion. Amendment 105 would go further by prohibiting the use of the powers in the Bill for that purpose altogether. All the communities that are most directly affected by airport expansion-those living under flight paths, those experiencing noise, air quality and traffic impacts and those with a general disturbance from planes flying over them quite some distance from airports-have consistently found themselves presented with fait accompli decisions rather than meaningful consultation. Amendment 69 would, at a minimum, require such consultation, environmental assessment and noise assessment to precede any regulatory action that facilitates expansion. That is not a high bar; it is basic good governance. Although I heard what the Minister said to us in our debate on an earlier group, we believe that this amendment is very much needed, so that it is clearly spelled out. Airport expansion, at Heathrow in particular, is one of the most contested...
My Lords, I will speak to my Amendment 110 and make one or two comments on the amendments that the noble Baroness, Lady Pidgeon, spoke to. Amendment 69 seems perfectly sensible, requiring consultation and so forth. I have more of an issue with Amendment 105. If the processes to determine airport expansion have been complied with, it does not seem sensible to say, “As a result, you can’t use any of the powers in this Act to facilitate that properly taken and consulted-on decision”. While I do not have enormous objection to the noble Baroness’s first amendment, the second one goes a bit too far, so I am half agreeing with her, which is an improvement on where we were last time. I hope that she takes that in the spirit in which it is intended. My remarks on my own amendment may appear a bit disjointed because I am going to slightly amend them in flight, as it were. Members of the Committee may or may not be aware that, while we have been debating this, the Secretary of State has published a Written Ministerial Statement on the aviation framework, which is specifically to do with Heathrow expansion. I thank the Minister for his courtesy in drawing to my attention, because I have tabled amendments on Heathrow, that the timing of the Written Statement would be during our debate today. I have been through the Statement, but it is quite extensive, so I have done it at speed and might ask things that are covered in it or in some of the attached documentation, which I have not had a...
Frankly, once someone is building one of these things and it is under way, particularly because it involves making extensive changes to the M25, at some point, if it ran into difficulty, the Government would not be in a position where they could just accept a half-done project and would inevitably end up having to work out how it was going to be completed. I want to test whether the Government are entirely satisfied on that purpose.
The final thing I shall say, because it is relevant to the brief comments I made about Amendment 105, is that clearly the expansion of Heathrow and a third runway will inevitably have airspace impacts, slot impacts and so forth. That is part of the reason why, given that there is an extensive process under way, there will be an updated policy statement on which the House of Commons will have an opportunity to vote, and then there will be a planning process. If, as a result of all of that, some of the powers in the Bill are needed to make changes, it would seem to me that a proper process would be under way, so it would be perfectly reasonable to use some of the powers in the Bill. My amendment would simply require the Government to publish the impact of that expansion on airspace use, slots, airspace design, schedules and air traffic services to improve transparency. My guess would be that compliance with this amendment would be met by the policy statement that the Government are planning to publish.
It may be that when I have read the Written Statement-the Minister can spell it out in a bit more detail when he responds-I am satisfied, but obviously I had not seen the Government’s Written Statement when I tabled the amendment and did not know it was coming today. It is well timed or badly timed, depending on your point of view. I will listen carefully to what the Minister says at the end of the debate and I will take some time after the Committee has finished to study the Written Statement in more detail.
My Lord, I shall speak to Amendment 114, standing in the name of the noble Baroness, Lady Bennett of Manor Castle. She is unable to attend the Committee today. I will speak to both her amendments, this one and one in a later group. I am mindful of what the Companion says on these matters, so, just to be clear, these are my words and not hers. This amendment seeks to insert a new clause imposing a climate duty on the Civil Aviation Authority and the Secretary of State. It would require the CAA, when exercising its functions under the Bill, to have regard to the target established by Section 1 of the Climate Change Act 2008, the carbon budgets established under the Act and the need to reduce greenhouse gas emissions from civil aviation. It would also require the Secretary of State to have regard to emissions reductions when exercising powers under the Bill, to refrain from using those powers for the purposes of airport capacity expansion and to use them in pursuit of a strategy aimed at reducing airport capacity. The case for the amendment is reasonably straightforward. Aviation is one of the hardest sectors to decarbonise, but difficulty is not an argument for inaction. It is precisely because aviation is hard to abate that we need clear legislative direction now rather than later. Without it, the CAA risks operating in a policy vacuum, exercising its functions under this Bill, particularly new functions, with no statutory obligation to consider our national carbon budgets or...
My Lords, I will comment briefly on the subject in general. I have long been an advocate for airport expansion, particularly at Heathrow. On that note, I support the Government taking this brave step. Having lived in south-west London and under the odd flight path from time to time, I recognise that there was an airport there long before me and before most people who live in the area. It was unfortunately most regrettable-I now intend to be quite party political-that the fortunes of the Liberal Democrats relied on objecting to every element of expansion at Heathrow, whether for new terminals or runways. Most people would agree that we should have had a third runway more than 30 years ago, when the cost would have been substantially less. My final point is that, while I fully support the Government pushing ahead with expansion and a third runway, the decision on this particular project, at a cost of £49 billion, with disruption to areas around the M25 and elsewhere, is completely wrong. I see it ending up like some of the other massive infrastructure projects that we have had in rail. I do not believe this is the best way forward. There should be a rethink. Other projects would be less disruptive but have not been fully considered. As a general point, I fully support the Government’s ideals to expand but think that the initial decision is wrong at this time.
My Lords, I note the publication, while the Committee has been sitting, of the revisions to the Airports National Policy Statement . Obviously, I have not read it, and I do not imagine that other Members have, apart from the Minister and his close associates. It is worth saying that that this publication does not take us forward; it takes us back to 2018, when the Airports National Policy Statement was published. It was then taken through the courts. There were some ridiculous objections to it, but it got through the High Court. It fell on one particular objection only at the Court of Appeal, which turned, as I recall, on the question of the definition of the word “policy”-this is how great infrastructure projects proceed in this country. It eventually went to the Supreme Court, which took a different view on the definition of “policy” and finally approved the ANPS. By that stage, of course, it was totally out of date and Covid had intervened, so the work had to be started again by the department. The fruits of that work are what have been published today. As I say, I am not in a position to comment on it. We are back to where we were in 2018 and have made no progress in that period. We will see whether this new ANPS survives the sort of process that the previous one was subjected to and whether we will need a third ANPS a few years down the road. In relation to these amendments, I unfortunately find myself not entirely able to agree with my Liberal Democrat colleagues on...
The whole thing rests on having a regulated asset-based finance structure, which allows Heathrow to finance the runway a long time before it is available for use. I genuinely do not know how long the project is going to take, but let us say it will take approximately 10 years to build it and all the stuff that goes with it; Heathrow would have to be financing it a long way in advance. That means airlines are paying for facilities that they cannot use because they have not been built. Passengers are paying for those facilities because they are reimbursing the airlines as far as they can.
Noble Lords will understand, therefore, that I share the doubts and scepticism of my noble friend Lord Harper as to whether this project can be financed purely on that basis. Bear in mind that there is the HS2 problem, whereby £49 billion is just a starting figure. Our anxiety is that this project gets a certain way and the Government become implicated in it because it becomes a policy to deliver it. Then, as the project stumbles on, the Government are drawn into having to finance it.
I would not object in principle if the Government were to say, “We are going to provide enhanced road and rail connections to Heathrow as a result of its expansion”. We find that acceptable in this country. It is a normal thing to do and I expect the Government, at some point, will have to commit to doing that. There are numerous schemes being discussed about enhanced Network Rail connections to Heathrow. Whether the Government, in their current anti-car mode, feel that there is scope for additional road access is another question, but there is certainly scope for new and additional rail access. Many schemes are going around at the moment and I would not be astonished if the Government say they will pay for them, because they provide new capacity and new connections. But what the Government must not do-I believe they have said they will not do-is pay for transport construction that adds no capacity or general benefit to the public at large.
This is where we come to the M25. Moving that road means tunnelling it, which in practice is the same as moving it, because one would not tunnel it where it is; one would build the tunnel further out and then move it. Inherently, that adds no capacity because, even if you built a 10-lane or 20-lane M25 in your tunnel, when it joined the existing M25, it would have to come back to the capacity it currently has. There would be little point in doing that as it would serve only Heathrow. My understanding of the Government’s view is that they will not pay for that.
The tunnelled option may not be the one chosen. An alternative is to build a runway on a slope over the existing M25; I do not know if that is being pursued. There is, I believe in Atlanta, an example of something like that over an interstate highway, so it is not as wholly unprecedented or ridiculous as it sounds, if the gradient is very low. However, it is more likely that the M25 is going to be moved.
I have a crucial question for the Government, which I hope the Minister can satisfy me on now. Is it the Government’s position that they will not pay for moving the M25 and any other works associated with it, which do not add capacity to the general motorway network and are very much part of the Heathrow bill for building the third runway?
The other question is simply more general. Do the Government believe that this is a credibly financeable project, even on a regulated asset base basis? Do they believe that it is fair that the airlines and their passengers will be paying so far in advance and over so many years for a facility that they cannot use? Answers to those three questions in clear, crisp terms that leave no room for ambiguity or doubt would be greatly appreciated.
My Lords, this group concerns airport expansion capacity. I am grateful to noble Lords for their amendments. I will address Amendments 69, 105, 110 and 114 in turn. Before doing so, I will make two points that apply across the group. First, as I made clear at Second Reading, the Bill is not a route to airport expansion. It does not grant planning consent, remove environmental safeguards or predetermine the outcome of any expansion proposal. Secondly, where airport expansion is proposed, the relevant issues, including noise, carbon emissions, air quality, economic benefits and local impacts, are considered through national policy statements and the development consent order processes, with consultation, assessment, scrutiny and independent examination. Those are the common justifications, which I will refer back to. Expansion decisions sit within the planning regime, while this Bill concerns aviation consumer protection and regulatory reform. I turn first to Amendment 69 spoken to by the noble Baroness, Lady Pidgeon. This amendment would require the Secretary of State to undertake consultation impact assessments before laying slot regulations that facilitate airport expansion. I reassure the noble Baroness that the Government are fully committed to meaningful consultation with communities and to thorough environmental and noise assessment before airport expansion proceeds. However, slot regulations do not grant planning for physical expansion, nor do they increase the legally...
Would the noble Lord be so good as to answer them by letter before we reach Report?
I will certainly consider what I can say to the noble Lord before Report. The Heathrow expansion national policy statement includes the full suite of appraisal and supporting analytical documents. Alongside the public consultation, that draft policy statement will be laid before Parliament and subject to parliamentary scrutiny by a nominated parliamentary Select Committee. Following the consultation, the Government will carefully consider all responses received, alongside the report of the parliamentary Select Committee, before deciding whether to designate an amended national policy statement. If the Government decide to proceed, the amended policy statement will be published and laid before Parliament, in accordance with the requirements set out in the Planning Act 2008, and be subject to a vote in the other place before it can take legal effect. Any development consent application for expansion at Heathrow must include detailed, project-specific assessments, including operational and system-wide impacts, and will be published and examined through the Planning Inspectorate process. Not all the matters covered by Amendment 110 can be determined at a single point. Airspace design, in particular, is developed iteratively and requires sufficient certainty about an expansion scheme before it can be finalised, approved and implemented. Airspace change proposals are also subject to their own oversight processes, including detailed assessment and public consultation, and do not...
My Lords, I thank the Minister for his detailed response. It has been an interesting debate, and I think that how noble Lords view these amendments and powers may reflect which side of the debate one sits on in terms of airport expansion. On these Benches, we are clear that we oppose expansion of Heathrow and Gatwick. I am grateful for the half support from the noble Lord, Lord Harper, for our amendments, though we clearly have different views on Heathrow expansion. We will now need to reflect on the Minister’s words-and, of course, the draft Heathrow expansion national policy statement that, as has been discussed, has been published while we have been sitting-ahead of Report in any amendments that we may wish to table then. But on that basis, I agree to withdraw the amendment at this stage.
Amendment 69 withdrawn.
Amendments 70 to 72 not moved.
Clause 7 agreed.
Amendments 73 to 75 not moved.
Clause 8: CAA rules
Amendment 76
Moved by
76: Clause 8, page 9, line 15, leave out “CAA may by rules (to be known as “CAA rules”)” and insert “Secretary of State may by regulations” Member’s explanatory statement This amendment would provide for CAA rules to be made by regulations by the Secretary of State.
My Lords, I have a lot of amendments in this group, but I assure noble Lords that a number of them are duplicative, because they seek to replace “document” with “guidance” wherever it appears in the clause. None the less, it will take me a moment to go through my amendments. We are dealing here with the CAA’s rule-making powers. It is worth reminding noble Lords that the first part of the Bill is about consumer protection and the CAA’s role as the direct enforcer of consumer protection powers. This is a very different part of the Bill. It is about making rules. It gives the CAA huge, unprecedented powers to make rules, including ones that may have criminal penalties, and it does so with practically no supervision-certainly not by Parliament and, as far as I can make out, very little by the Minister either. That is what these amendments are intended to deal with. The first one probes why it is necessary for the Civil Aviation Authority to have rule-making powers at all. Until recently, the rules it made emanated from the European Union; in fact, they often came through from the ICAO, trickling down in that fashion. But, for all their faults, regulations made by the European Union were not made in secret. One could see what was happening. We had, here in your Lordships’ House, a committee that reviewed regulations and statutory instruments relating to European Union legislation. All these rules were made under air navigation orders, which are a form of statutory...
My Lords, I have Amendment 78 in this group. I shall only say a few words, and I suppose the very few words I could say are that, if we are to get new powers that may affect pilots, we wish to be consulted. In many ways, it is as simple as that. Hopefully, the Minister can give us a better feel for what this piece of legislation will be used for. I find myself almost agreeing with the noble Lord, Lord Moylan. If we are to have powers where we are not clear what they will be used for and what their extent will be, there are two sensible outcomes: either you do not bother with the powers, or you have an appropriate set of checks and balances to make sure that the powers are sensible.
My Lords, my noble friend Lord Moylan has done the Committee a service by bringing to our attention some of the conflicts within the Bill in terms of rule and regulation-making powers. I should add that I am a member of the Delegated Powers Committee. I have previously been a member of the Delegated Powers Committee, but I was not a member at the time that its report on this Bill was made, for reasons that I explained on Tuesday-I was not a Member of the House at the time. This a highly complex subject and complex field, and it is very easy to get tangled up in it. Some of the principles that my noble friend has elucidated are extremely valid. The other point is that one perhaps needs to be careful what one wishes for, because I could see hundreds of very technical regulations-technical in the technological sense of the term-coming before your Lordships’ House for scrutiny. None the less, my noble friend has made the particular point around the Government choosing which regulatory process to utilise, and I think there are some real difficulties in that.
I refer the Committee’s attention to the Delegated Powers Committee’s report and the conclusion, which I will read as it is relatively short. Having assessed the issues that we have talked about this afternoon, the report concludes:
“Accordingly, we recommend to the House that: the power in section 61A(7) of the Civil Aviation Act 1982, read with section 61A(1), is inappropriate because its effect is to give the Government unconstrained power to decide which operational and safety aviation rules to be delegated to the CAA and consequently made without parliamentary process; and to ensure Parliament is properly able to scrutinise the scope of delegation of rulemaking to the CAA: the power in section 61A(7) should be amended to make clear the principles-
as my noble friend Lord Moylan said-
“underlying the exceptions to delegated rulemaking; and that power should be subject to affirmative procedure”.
When the Minister responds to this short debate, I would be much obliged if he could give a crisp answer to that aspect of the Committee’s recommendation.
My Lords, it is a pleasure to follow my noble friend. I shall speak to Amendment 96 in my name. It rehearses an issue that we discussed in Committee on Tuesday, but it is pertinent to this section. Essentially the point at issue is this: we have a Government who have stated that they have no desire to legislate or regulate cross-sector or cross-economy for artificial intelligence and that a domain-specific approach is preferred. I suggest that that is a suboptimal choice, but it is still a legitimate choice. The difficulty is that every time we come to some such domain-this Bill is about aviation-the Bill is silent on AI. I appreciate that there are data protection provisions in other legislation, but that is but one specific element of artificial intelligence. I believe that when one considers the role and functions of the CAA and the positive role it could take when it comes to artificial intelligence, all the people who are subject to the CAA’s powers would greatly benefit from an AI aviation standard to deal with transparency, explainability and bias and to look to the systems that not only the CAA uses, may use or, indeed, it could be said, must use in the very near future and to AI systems that are already in use across the aviation sector. A specific AI aviation standard could bring clarity and coherence across this industry, across the roles and powers that the CAA is responsible for and across actions. It is imperfect because it would be far better to have AI...
My Lords, I begin by recording my registered interest as the president of BALPA. I strongly echo the point made so clearly by the noble Lord, Lord Tunnicliffe, about the importance of engagement with the pilot community on many of the key issues in the Bill. I very much welcome the recognition that I have heard from just about everyone in the Room of the vital expertise that BALPA members can bring to the consultations required by both the Government and the CAA in key provisions in the Bill. I will speak briefly to Amendments 89 and 95 in my name, which are supported by the noble Lord, Lord Kirkhope. Amendment 89 seeks to remove the apparent veto given to the CAA over the document to be issued by the Secretary of State setting out their priorities and objectives for the exercise of the CAA’s rule-making functions; the noble Lord, Lord Moylan, touched on this point in his remarks. It seems a curious piece of drafting in this part of the Bill. The amendment also strongly emphasises the importance of consultations on these issues with organisations and persons with relevant interests and expertise who would be affected by the new or amended proposed rules; that will clearly include pilots. Amendment 95 would require the Secretary of State not only to publish any directions issued to the CAA, as the Bill currently requires, but to lay any such directions before Parliament, thus allowing parliamentarians the opportunity to probe and scrutinise them. This would provide greater...
My Lords, the noble Lord, Lord Moylan, has conducted a forensic examination of many parts of the Bill, to which I am sure we will return at a later stage. I shall commence by referring to Amendment 78 from the noble Lord, Lord Tunnicliffe. I agree entirely with the substance and strength of it but I will apply the same remarks to it as I did to a previous amendment he tabled, in that it is not appropriate to specify a particular trade union when it does not necessarily have a monopoly-never mind now; who knows whether it would in future. However, the sentiment is right, and I support it. I have tabled Amendment 118. Perhaps the Minister could write to me on it before Report. We have here a situation where the CAA is getting a lot of powers and, if I interpreted one part of the Bill correctly, is almost in a position to veto a decision made by the Secretary of State. I might have picked that up wrong, but it seems to be accruing an exceptional amount of power. One issue-it is a health and safety issue, apart from anything else-is flight-time limitations. A number of years ago, there was a major change to the relevant European directives that apply here, but, of course, flight-time limitations apply not only to airlines that operate or are based in the United Kingdom but to airlines in other jurisdictions that carry UK passengers and use our airspace. That is important. There are international agreements but, with all the changes taking place around who is regulating this...
My Lords, I support my noble friend Lord Moylan in two of his amendments. On Amendment 76, my noble friend made some very good points about making sure that we have a proper parliamentary process. From a combination of listening to him and looking at the Delegated Powers Committee’s report, I am not against his argument that very technical rule changes should be done by the CAA, but that distinction is not made in the Bill. Clearly, rules that have more impact than that should remain with Ministers-obviously, with the CAA advising them-so that they are made through parliamentary procedure and receive appropriate scrutiny in the House. If there is a backlog of non-technical ones, we can put processes in place, even for a limited period, to deal with it, if that is required. That has happened before: it happened when we were putting through the various changes that were required as a result of Brexit. Both Houses set up processes to deal with the one-off process of changing our legislation. It can be done. What I want to hear from the Minister is: what powers do the Government intend to give to the CAA, and what powers do they intend to keep for themselves? How will they make a judgment on which powers to make rules it is appropriate for the CAA, which will have no parliamentary oversight, to have? Where Ministers will retain parallel powers, what will they be used for? As far as I can tell, that is not set out anywhere; it would be helpful if it were. My final point is small...
My Lords, I will speak briefly to Amendment 80 in my name and that of the noble Baroness, Lady Brinton. Although this amendment sits in this group, there is considerable overlap with the amendments that I had on day one in Committee. This amendment would require the CAA to publish a disability impact assessment before implementing significant new regulations. The thought behind the amendment was to put disability rights higher up the priority list, while ensuring there is a better understanding of the needs of disabled people and that they receive both equal and equitable treatment. I am very interested in the Minister’s view on this amendment.
My Lords, this is a substantial group that touches on the constitutional and regulatory framework at the heart of the Bill. Amendment 102, in the name of my noble friend Lady Grender, would change the power in Section 61A(7) of the 1982 Act to the affirmative procedure, in line with the recommendations of the Delegated Powers and Regulatory Reform Committee. This House takes those recommendations seriously and I am sure the Government do as well. When Parliament is being asked to delegate significant rule-making powers to the CAA, the least we should expect is meaningful parliamentary oversight of that delegation. I hope the Minister can support this. Several of the amendments tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Moylan, in this group probe the curious decision to describe the Secretary of State’s priorities and objectives as a document rather than guidance. He made some interesting points in that it has implications for the enforceability of the Bill. Amendment 83 asks that this document address connectivity between the nations and regions of the United Kingdom, which we strongly support. Amendment 80, tabled by the noble Baronesses, Lady Grey-Thompson and Lady Brinton, would require a disability impact assessment before significant new regulations and speaks to obligations that should be automatic-these are not optional. We should not have to say, in this day and age, that disabled passengers and those with reduced mobility deserve to have their needs considered systematically...
My Lords, this group concerns Civil Aviation Authority rule-making. I begin with the amendment from the noble Lord, Lord Moylan, which would require aviation safety regulations to continue to be made by the Secretary of State, and on which the noble Lord, Lord Harper, also spoke. That would prevent the delegation of technical rule-making to the Civil Aviation Authority, which is a central purpose of the Bill. As I said at Second Reading, the current process risks the UK falling behind its international safety obligations. Delegating technical rule-making to that authority will allow the regime to keep pace with international standards and industry change, while retaining robust safeguards, ministerial oversight and parliamentary accountability. As I will say on a number of amendments in this group, the Bill is designed to create a quicker, more responsive regulator-led system, without removing proper democratic controls. The words of my noble friend Lord Tunnicliffe at Second Reading strongly resonated with me then, as they do now, but I note that the Delegated Powers and Regulatory Reform Committee clearly recognised a case for such an approach. The noble Lord, Lord Moylan, referred to the letter from the chair of the Constitution Committee, which as yet I have not seen but will obviously fully consider when I do. I will reply to it as soon as I can and take on board all those matters that need to be considered in the Bill before Report.
The argument is that these rules have to be made by the CAA because parliamentary scrutiny slows things down and there is a risk that we fall behind meeting our international obligations. That is the case for change, but how often in the past have we fallen behind our international obligations using the existing system?
I will certainly consider what the noble Lord says and respond to him. I am sure that what I have said is correct, but I will produce an answer for him as soon as I can. Amendment 102 from the noble Baroness, Lady Grender, and Amendment 77 from the noble Lord, Lord Moylan, respond to the Delegated Powers and Regulatory Reform Committee’s recommendations. Amendment 102 would move the relevant regulation-making power to the affirmative procedure, while Amendment 77 would require the Secretary of State to publish principles explaining how the power to prevent CAA rule-making in certain areas would be used. I am grateful to both noble Lords for seeking to address the committee’s concern. The power is important because it helps to define the boundary between the Civil Aviation Authority and the Secretary of State. We are considering these points carefully, and, as I said at the previous Committee hearing, I fully intend to return before Report. I strongly note the advice of the noble Viscount, Lord Goshen, to be careful about what we wish for, given the possibly hundreds of technical amendments. On that basis, I hope the Committee notes that I will fully answer the points of the Constitution Committee and the Delegated Powers and Regulatory Reform Committee, and that noble Lords will not press those amendments at this stage. My noble friend Lord Tunnicliffe’s amendment, which is supported by the noble Lord, Lord Empey, would require the CAA to consult the British Airline Pilots...
Can the Minister give a commitment that the Civil Aviation Authority will maintain an up-to-date rulebook on its website at all times? Any changes made could simply be inserted on the website. That is what I am asking for; I am not asking for a book. The amendment says “publish”; it does say “publish a book”. At the moment, the Bill does not require the CAA to do that; it specifically exempts it from doing so.
The noble Lord makes a reasonable point; I will take it away. Amendments 99 and 100, also from the noble Lord, Lord Moylan, would require the Civil Aviation Authority to provide a free paper copy of the rulebook to anyone who asks. As I have just noted, the rulebook is extremely large, so requiring free paper copies would create a significant cost and administrative burden and, frankly, could be open to abuse. It is right that the CAA may charge for that expense, while ensuring that rules remain available to view for free on its website. I ask the noble Lord not to press Amendments 99 and 100. I am grateful to the noble Lord for Amendment 101. The provision he seeks to remove is needed to ensure that the transition to CAA-led rule-making works coherently, including by enabling necessary consequential changes to existing legislation and enforcement provisions. Without it, gaps could arise that would require further primary legislation, which would not be proportionate or efficient. This is not an unfettered power. It is limited to what the Secretary of State considers necessary to facilitate or give effect to CAA rules, and it is subject to parliamentary procedure-affirmative where it amends primary legislation and negative in other cases. That provides proper oversight while allowing the new regime to operate effectively. Therefore, I ask the noble Lord not to press Amendment 101. Finally, Amendment 118 from the noble Lord, Lord Empey, concerns flight time limitations. The...
My Lords, I note and am grateful for the assurance from the Minister that he will return on Report with an amendment-or amendments-that will address the points raised by the Delegated Powers and Regulatory Reform Committee. I am sure that the noble Baroness, Lady Grender, and I will study that carefully, to see whether it will allow us not to press our own amendments. Beyond that, I am afraid to say that the Minister has, I think, disappointed the Committee with his response. I will briefly comment on the relationship between the Secretary of State and the CAA. In normal circumstances-we might take Great British Railways as an example, as it is being created at the moment-we expect the Secretary of State to issue a document setting out the Government’s priorities and to impose them on the body being regulated. However, in this case, the Minister seems to envisage a partnership arrangement-a contract of some sort-between the Department for Transport and the Civil Aviation Authority, in which the CAA can say, “No, we don’t accept that part of the contract. We want something else”. That seems to be unprecedented, although it is possible that the Minister can find precedence for it elsewhere in the regulatory environment in which we exist. It seems unprecedented, but it also seems to requires its own supervisory structure. In the end, if the Civil Aviation Authority can decide what it is willing to do, and the Secretary of State does not have the power to issue guidance...
Amendment 76 withdrawn.
Amendments 77 to 83 not moved.
Amendment 84
Moved by
84: Clause 8, page 12, line 26, at end insert- “(g) set out how the CAA will have regard to the seventh carbon budget in exercising its functions under this Act, including any implications for aviation demand and consumer access to air travel.”Member’s explanatory statement This amendment probes whether the CAA will be required to have regard to the seventh carbon budget in exercising its functions and what that would mean for aviation demand and consumer access to air travel.
My Lords, let me explain what the amendment would do and the rationale for why I have tabled it. It goes back to the famous document of the noble Lord, Lord Moylan, that will be issued and seeks to add one thing to the list set out in the Bill: for the Secretary of State to set out to the CAA how it will have regard to the seventh carbon budget in exercising its functions, specifically “any implications for aviation demand and consumer access to air travel”. The amendment’s purpose, if I am being frank, was to make sure we could discuss this issue, because it is important and connected. A number of noble Lords have talked about the environmental impact of aviation. Before I get on to my specific questions about the seventh carbon budget, I want to put this in a little context to make sure-although no one in this Committee would do so-that no one outside misrepresents me. I am a strong supporter of decarbonising aviation. I chaired the Jet Zero Council when I was Secretary of State, working with government, industry, airlines, airports, manufacturers, suppliers of fuel, academia and representatives of the Climate Change Committee looking at how we develop technology to ensure that we can continue flying but in a way that has less impact on the environment. As I said in our debate on the Sustainable Aviation Fuel Bill, I had the great pleasure of being on the VS100 Virgin flight to the US, which was the first flight that had 100% sustainable aviation fuel, showing that it was...
I meant to stand up at the start of the group, but the noble Lord, Lord Harper, was a little too quick on his feet. I just want to point out that we now have bang on an hour to finish the remaining groups, which I think that we can achieve, if we have concision in our remarks. That would be very helpful.
My Lords, I note the comment just made. I welcome the probing amendment in the name of the noble Lord, Lord Harper. That is useful in the Bill, so I thank him for that. I will speak to my Amendments 106 and 107. Together, they seek to form a coherent case for environmental accountability in the regulation of civil aviation. Amendment 106 asks the Secretary of State within 12 months of the Act passing to lay before Parliament a report assessing its impact on passenger information, on low-carbon travel choices and on emissions from civil aviation. The Bill contains important consumer protection measures, but a consumer framework is only as good as the information that it generates and the behaviour that it manages to change. The amendment asks a simple question: once the Act is on the statute book, how is it actually working? My amendment calls for a report, which must address four things. First, it must address whether consumers are receiving clear and consistent information about the carbon emissions associated with their flights. Currently, there is no standard for presenting that, and the report would help to establish whether the Act drives progress. Secondly, it must address whether consumers are genuinely comparing aviation and rail options at the point of decision. At present, they largely cannot and booking platforms are entirely siloed. The integrated comparison of journey time door to door, total price and carbon footprint and the whole booking simplicity just...
My Lords, this group of amendments focuses rightly on the environment and climate impacts. My noble friend Lord Russell has set out clearly Amendments 106 and 107. They are modest, sensible asks and the Government should not find them difficult to accept, given that the aviation sector accounts for a significant and growing share of UK emissions and that it is one of the hardest sectors to decarbonise. We strongly support my noble friend’s amendments and look forward to hearing from the Minister how the Government intend to address this gap.
My Lords, between them, my noble friend Lord Harper and the noble Earl, Lord Russell, have drawn attention to the unreality of this debate. Everything in this Committee and everything to do with this Bill is about growth-economic growth, building new airports, having a new runway at Heathrow and so on. However, elsewhere there are, as I mentioned, government policies and statutory commitments that are undeliverable unless that growth is restricted. It is a great advantage to the Committee that the two noble Lords between them have drawn attention to that. My Amendment 111 asks for a review of the cost of sustainable aviation fuel and takes us back to the issue that we discussed when the Sustainable Aviation Fuel Act was before your Lordships’ House. Ministers have said that SAF costs are subject to fluctuation but are currently based on costs of £3.30 per litre for conventional SAF and approximately £4 per litre for power-to-liquid fuel. They have also set out estimated RAF market costs rising from £16.5 million in 2025 to £187 million by 2040 as a result of SAF. That has been reported as the RAF spending more than £1 billion over 15 years on switching to sustainable jet fuel. Wider commentary has suggested that sustainable aviation fuel can cost up to eight times as much as conventional jet fuel. It matters because, as we know, the mandate requires an ever-increasing amount of SAF to be used by the commercial aviation sector. For passengers, it will mean higher fares, and...
My Lords, this group concerns environment and climate impacts. I am grateful to noble Lords for their amendments. I will address each in turn, but first I will make two common points that apply across the group. The Government recognise the need to reduce aviation emissions and to ensure that environmental impacts are properly considered. At the same time, many of the amendments would duplicate existing statutory duties, reporting arrangements or wider decarbonisation policies. Where I refer to duplication, proportionality or the need to treat aviation as a whole sector, these are the common justifications I have in mind. I begin with Amendment 84, tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Harper. This amendment would require the Secretary of State to set out how the CAA should consider the seventh carbon budget when exercising the new powers in the Bill. I agree that aviation’s climate impacts must be properly considered, but the CAA already has statutory responsibilities in this area, including a legal duty independently to monitor, assess and report on the environmental protection performance of the UK civil aviation sector through the UK Aviation Environmental Review . Domestic aviation emissions have been within legally binding carbon budgets since the first carbon budget, and the Government have laid legislation to include international aviation emissions from the sixth carbon budget, beginning in 2033. The Government are also supporting greener aviation through the sustainable...
Amendment 107, also from the noble Earl, Lord Russell, would place a duty on the CAA to have regard to climate and environmental targets and to report annually on compliance. As I just noted, the CAA already has statutory environmental reporting duties through the UK Aviation Environmental Review . It must also, in relevant areas, take account of environmental objectives set by the Secretary of State and enforce international standards, including aircraft CO 2 certification and emissions rules. Amendment 107 would duplicate existing duties and reporting arrangements. I therefore ask the noble Earl not to press it but will be happy to further discuss the reporting requirements with him.
I turn to the amendment tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Moylan, requiring a report to Parliament within two years on the impact of the sustainable aviation fuel mandate. Noble Lords will be familiar with these issues from the recent passage of the Sustainable Aviation Fuel Act 2026. The mandate was designed with consumer costs in mind and already includes review points so the Government can respond if market conditions change. A further statutory review would duplicate existing mechanisms, add process without substance and risk delaying a central decarbonisation policy. I note that the noble Lord attempted to insert a very similar provision, which was disagreed, into the Sustainable Aviation Fuel Act 2026 during its passage through your Lordships’ House, and I ask him not to press the amendment.
Amendment 115, tabled by the noble Baroness, Lady Bennett, and spoken to by the noble Earl, Lord Russell, is on private aviation. The Government are clear that reducing aviation emissions, including from private aviation, is an important priority. Private aviation is emissions intensive, and it is right that all parts of the sector contribute fairly to decarbonisation. However, private aviation covers a wide range of purposes, including emergency response, specialised logistics, government and military use, as well as corporate and leisure travel, and any approach must reflect that diversity.
The Government’s approach is to decarbonise aviation as a whole, through measures such as sustainable aviation fuel, airspace modernisation and more efficient aircraft. Private aviation is not outside that framework. Domestic aviation emissions are already captured within the carbon budgets under the Climate Change Act 2008 and, as I said, international aviation emissions are being brought fully into scope from the sixth carbon budget onwards.
The Government have also acted through taxation. Building on the 50% increase in air passenger duty rates announced at the Autumn Budget in 2024, the Government will extend the higher air passenger duty rate to all private jets over 5.7 tonnes from April 2027. Amendment 115 would instead create a separate regulatory regime for one part of aviation, with wide powers to impose restrictions, charges or prohibitions. Given that most emissions come from commercial aviation, and that private aviation is already within the wider net-zero framework, we do not consider that proportionate. I therefore ask that Amendment 115 is not pressed.
My Lords, I am mindful of the Whip’s injunctions on timing. Just very briefly then, before I seek leave to withdraw my amendment, my objective was to probe the Government’s policy, and particularly to make sure that aviation remains affordable for ordinary people to be able to use and that its cost does not rise significantly. Given that the Minister has given me a clear commitment to write to me on that specific point or those related points, I am content to seek leave of the Committee to withdraw my amendment.
Amendment 84 withdrawn.
Amendments 85 to 102 not moved.
Clause 8 agreed.
Amendment 102A not moved.
Clause 9 agreed.
Amendments 103 to 107 not moved.
Amendment 108
Moved by
108: After Clause 9, insert the following new Clause- “Assessment of impact of business rates revaluation on airport services and consumer protection(1) The Secretary of State must, within three months of the day on which this Act is passed, publish an assessment of the impact of the 2026 business rates revaluation on the provision and regulation of airport services and consumer protection measures.(2) The assessment under subsection (1) must include an assessment of the impact of the revaluation on-(a) the cost, quality and resilience of airport services provided to passengers and other users,(b) airports’ ability to meet consumer protection obligations and service standards,(c) airport investment in facilities and infrastructure used for the provision of airport services to consumers,(d) airport expansion and infrastructure development in order to meet regulatory requirements,(e) the financial sustainability of airports and the effects of that on consumers,(e) regional air connectivity, and(f) the regulatory stability of the airport sector.(3) The Secretary of State must lay the assessment before Parliament.”Member’s explanatory statement This amendment would require the Secretary of State to publish an assessment of the impact of the 2026 business rates revaluation on the provision and regulation of airport services and consumer protection, including its effect on passenger outcomes, service standards, investment, infrastructure, financial sustainability, regional...
My Lords, in moving Amendment 108 in my name, I will also speak to Amendments 116 and 117, also in this group. I am afraid it is my group, I suppose. This seems an appropriate moment, given that it is about economic impacts and competition, to remind the Minister that when on Tuesday my noble friend Lord Moylan and I referred to the Government’s commitment to reduce the administrative burdens on business by 25% during this Parliament, he said he could not furnish us with the details immediately but confirmed that he would come back to us today with whatever information he was able to lay his hands on. Since this is effectively an economic-related matter, I thought I would mention that at the beginning of my remarks, and I hope that when he winds up he can give us what he was able to find. If he was not able to pull it all together comprehensively, if there is more to come, I am sure my noble friend Lord Moylan and I will be content for him to write to us with that further information. I wanted to give the Minister a bit of notice rather than springing it on him at the end. Amendment 108 is distinct and Amendments 116 and 117 are effectively linked. I will deal with Amendment 108 first. If noble Lords are wondering why I have raised it, it is because part of the Long Title of the Bill is to: “Make provision for the protection of purchasers and users of air transport and airport services”. One of those protections is obviously to look at the cost of those services and what...
Nowhere in there does it talk about the use of competition to drive down the cost of delivering aviation services that the CAA regulates for consumers. It seems to me that perhaps flexing one of those requirements and adding competition would be very sensible. I have tabled the amendment to have the discussion with the Minister. It is not for me to tell him how to respond, but I might be content if he says that, when she sends her next annual letter to the CAA, the Secretary of State will look at whether it is appropriate if, in one of the economic bits of the letter, competition ought to be one of the things the CAA has as an objective when it is exercising its decisions. I think that would be a helpful move in improving its ability to grow the sector.
Amendment 117 is just to ask the Minister to flesh out a bit the conversation we had at Second Reading. It concerns the CAA’s power to impose pro-competition remedies at Heathrow, and it specifically says,
“Where the CAA determines that a lack of effective competition … is adversely affecting users of Heathrow Airport, it may impose”
remedies, including how it operates airport facilities, separating airport functions and governing capital investment. I have put that in because we had a discussion when we were talking about Heathrow. My noble friend Lord Moylan referred to the regulated asset base at that airport. The CAA is currently consulting on changes that will be required. I think it has effectively conceded that the current model is not adequate, so it is consulting on changes that it might need in order to facilitate the £49 billion investment in the third runway. When I asked this at Second Reading, the Minister confirmed, if I remember correctly, that the CAA did have these powers, but I want to test that in a bit more detail.
It is consulting on four potential models. Two of them are, if you like, incremental changes. “Enhances the existing framework” is the first one. The second one looks at a longer-term price control method. The two others are a bit more radical. One is looking at competitive delivery of the infrastructure, and the final one is on alternative developers. That is where you could potentially have, for example, a terminal being built and operated by another company in competition with Heathrow Airport Ltd at Heathrow. Obviously, the point of the competition is to drive down the costs of delivering those services to the airport’s customers, which are the airlines, and by reducing the cost to the airlines, you enable the airlines to reduce the costs to passengers.
I asked this question at Second Reading. I am hoping to probe it further with this proposed new clause and give the Minister’s officials the opportunity to provide him with the information in a bit more detail. I obviously do not know what the CAA is going to do-it is independent. If it comes back with one of the more radical options, I want to test, first, whether it actually has the power to do that with its existing regulatory framework. If it wanted to do one of the more radical ones, would the Government have to bring forward legislation to enable it to do so?
I also just want to take a view on the fact that, given that the Government have set out which of the two options for the third runway they prefer, which is the more expensive one, the Government clearly, therefore, have a policy need to deliver an economic regulation model that can fund it. The Government have been very clear, rightly, as I was when I was the Secretary of State, that the CAA does this economic regulation independently, but if they are committed to airport expansion, they have to be convinced that the model the CAA delivers is going to deliver Heathrow Airport.
My final question is to test whether the Government are going to remain completely hands-off and allow the CAA to finish its consultation, decide which of those four models it prefers and just go along with whatever the CAA says or are the Government going to take a view on whether what the CAA has come up with is actually going to enable it to deliver the Government’s preferred choice of the more expensive £49 billion option for the third runway? That was the purpose of tabling the amendment, and I hope that the Minister can set out some detailed answers when he responds.
My Lords, I wholly support the amendments proposed by my noble friend Lord Harper. I keep coming back-I must-to the absolutely cruel imposition of increased business rates on airports. They are a smash and grab of deliberate design; they can have no effect other than to make aviation less accessible to ordinary people, despite what the Minister has just said is the Government’s policy. Equally, if the CAA is to have these very substantial new powers, it is reasonable to ask why it should not also have a clear duty to promote competition. For that reason, I strongly support the amendments in this group.
I thank your Lordships for the debate on this group regarding economic impacts and competition, and I thank the noble Lord, Lord Harper, in particular for his amendments. I turn first to his amendment on the impact of business rates revaluation. At the Budget, the Valuation Office Agency announced updated property values from the 2026 revaluation. This revaluation is the first since the pandemic to result in significant increases in rateable value for some property, which includes some airports. The Government recognise the impact that these changes can have. We have considered this carefully and have put in place measures to ensure that the effects are manageable. We are delivering a support package worth £4.3 billion over the next three years, including a £3.2 billion transitional relief scheme. That provides more generous support to the largest ratepayers, including airports. It caps increases in airport bills arising from revaluations to just over double by 2028-29, before any supplements and reliefs are applied, preventing the much larger increases they otherwise would have seen. The Government believe these arrangements strike the right balance, reflecting updated property values while ensuring a smooth and manageable adjustment for airports. Looking ahead, however, the Government recognise that businesses with decades-long capital cycles need stability and predictability to deliver capital investment plans. To provide this, the Government published a call for evidence...
My Lords, I am grateful. On Amendment 108, I am very pleased that the Government are consulting on the process by which business rates revaluations are done for airports, given the necessity for capital expenditure over a significant period. I will look carefully at the results of that consultation. I am sure airports will have been, and are, responding to that consultation to make the arguments that they need to, so that is welcome. On the extent to which competition should be one of the CAA’s objectives, I accept that the CAA has to balance objectives, and that is very sensible. If it were added to the Secretary of State’s letter, which sets out a range of objectives for the CAA, then the CAA would be able to balance those objectives as it is taking its decisions. I think that that is perfectly appropriate. As I said, all I would ask is that, when Ministers are formulating the next letter, they think about whether an explicit mention of competition is set out as part of one of the economic sections of that letter. Finally, the Minister has confirmed more explicitly than he was able to at Second Reading that the CAA has all the powers it needs to do any of the options, including the more radical ones. I am sure that, when we no doubt get the opportunity in the House to ask questions about the Heathrow document, whatever it will now be called-
It is the Heathrow expansion national policy statement.
I thank the Minister for that prompt. When we get that opportunity, we can no doubt ask whether the Government will take a view. For very sensible reasons-and I am not trying to be mischievous-I was always very careful to let the CAA get on with their economic regulations, and there is a very strong argument; it is simply that, if the Government are very wedded to delivering the Heathrow third runway, they have to make sure that they are confident that the economic model will finance it. We will no doubt come back to that. With that, I beg leave to withdraw Amendment 108.
Amendment 108 withdrawn.
Amendments 109 to 123 not moved.
Clause 10: Power to make consequential provision
Debate on whether Clause 10 should stand part of the Bill.
Member’s explanatory statement
Opposition to this clause standing part is intended to delete a Henry VIII provision.
My Lords, I shall briefly oppose Clause 10 standing part of the Bill. This is a wide-ranging Henry VIII power, and wholly unnecessary. In a letter sent by the Civil Service to the Delegated Powers Committee, civil servants identify every Act that this Bill interacts with and states that all amendments necessary are already made in the Bill. Why should the Government be seeking a Henry VIII power to amend even further legislation, yet unknown and undiscovered, when the case has been closed off already?
My Lords, the Clause 10 stand part notice tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Moylan, raises a point of constitutional principle that the Committee will wish to consider carefully. I draw attention to subsection (6), which enables regulations to be implemented using the negative procedure. Have the Government considered whether the affirmative procedure should apply to all regulations made under this clause, rather than only to those presently specified? Given that the power extends to modifying primary legislation, there is a reasonable case that every exercise of it should require the active approval of both Houses, rather than passing on the nod. Can the Minister confirm whether he is prepared to reflect further on that question before Report?
My Lords, the noble Lord, Lord Moylan, opposes the inclusion of Clause 10 in the Bill. I recognise the importance of proper parliamentary scrutiny where powers are taken to make consequential provision, particularly where those powers may be used to amend primary legislation. However, I reassure the noble Lord that this clause is both limited and appropriate. I note that the Delegated Powers and Regulatory Reform Committee did not draw this clause to the attention of your Lordships’ House. Clause 10 gives the Secretary of State a power to make consequential regulations so that the statute book properly reflects the changes made by the Bill. It is not a power to make substantive policy changes. The clause allows regulations to amend, appeal or revoke provision made by or under an Act passed before this Bill or later in the parliamentary Session, but only when that is consequential on the Bill. Importantly, where regulations made under this power amend or repeal primary legislation, they must be laid before Parliament and approved by both Houses under the affirmative procedure. Such consequential powers are a common and practical feature of legislation used to ensure that the wider statute book works coherently once a Bill is enacted. In this case, the power is appropriately constrained and subject to the necessary parliamentary safeguards. Removing this clause would mean that the Government may need to rely on primary legislation to make minor changes and that, if there were...
My Lords, the fact is that the job has been done. The Minister did not address the point that all the relevant Acts have already been identified and that no further amendments are required. He did not explain-perhaps he cannot explain-what legislation this power should be used for. It is not constrained and, as the noble Baroness, Lady Pidgeon, said, some of its provisions, although not those that allow the alteration of primary legislation, can be processed using the negative procedure. It is not appropriate. I will conclude very briefly. We started by identifying this Bill as a massive power grab. Our last discussion in Committee is yet more about massive power grabs. This is not the way to treat Parliament. I think many of these issues are going to come back on Report and there will be widespread opposition to the way the Government are conducting themselves. For now, however, I withdraw my opposition to Clause 10.
Clause 10 agreed.
Clause 11 agreed.
Clause 12: Commencement
Amendments 124 to 128 not moved.
Clause 12 agreed.
Clause 13 agreed.
Bill reported without amendment.
Committee adjourned at 5.07 pm.